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A PROPOSAL FOR INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S DAY MARCH 8, 2021

By Joan Wadelton, Guest Contributor

Connect the American and African Peoples by Bringing Together Women Political Leaders

The global rise of women in politics offers new avenues to broaden understanding and strengthen ties between the United States and Africa.  New communications technologies can foster peer-to-peer alliances among female political leaders from both sides though ongoing virtual meetings.  Women from the local to the highest political levels could meet virtually with counterparts to problem solve and form relationships.  A biannual Women Political Leaders Forum designed to bring together all participants – both virtually and in-person - would review best practices and challenges overcome as well as expand long term people  to people ties among peers across the two continents.    

The United States and Africa have much to learn from each other.  So giving a primary role to women is an effective – and cost effective – way to do so.

Goals

• To forge closer ties between the United States and the 54 countries of Africa by fostering counterpart relationships between the two continents’ female political leaders at all levels and in all branches of government.
• To take full advantage of videoconferencing technologies – not as a substitute for in-person meetings – but as an end in themselves -- to promote professional relationships.

Background

Relations between the United States and the many countries of Africa -- despite historical and other ties -- need considerable improvement.  The dynamics of the world, changing at warp speed, offer both challenges and unique opportunities to recalibrate our interactions.  A vital element of this will be forging long term links among women political leaders from the two continents.  Because there has been a significant increase in the numbers of women in governments, parliaments, courts and various local bodies all over the world, this is an increasingly attractive and cost-effective avenue.

In Africa, there has been an impressive number of women in senior leadership for some time, including female presidents, prime ministers, ministers of every kind and judges.  And African nations have long been among the countries that lead the world in percentages of women in parliaments.

The picture in the United States is not quite so rosy.  However, there are many women in politics at the grassroots level in particular, and women have begun to permeate the highest levels of state and federal governments. 

Women around the world share similar life experiences and face the same obstacles in running for, and occupying, political office.  They have more difficulty in raising money for their campaigns than their male counterparts.  And they are subjected to a much greater degree to insults, threats, harrassment and violence than male politicians.     

Linking women political leaders to share their common experiences and discuss overcoming the challenges of their work, would be an important way to develop and deepen ties between communities in Africa and the United States.  

The United States government (through the Department of State) has for decades conducted exchange programs – bringing foreigners to the United States for education and training, to meet with peers and to introduce them to Americans and American society and values.  The State Department, USAID and the Peace Corps have also long sent Americans overseas for educational and other purposes.  All of these programs have advanced cross-cultural knowledge and created friendships.

One of the dividends of the pandemic related quarantine has been the normalization of remote interaction.  Platforms now exist to enhance interaction among peers – in this case women political leaders.  The new technologies that have brought us internet meetings should catalyze exchange programs in a virtual format. 

Program Outline

This program would bring together female political leaders from Africa and the United States for peer-to-peer discussions to broaden understanding of each other’s countries, societies and cultures.

It would create lasting and productive relationships, giving female leaders the opportunity to exchange ideas, share best practices and highlight successful solutions to common problems.

While creating relationships would be the goal, substantive outcomes would be equally important.

Discussion groups would focus on exchanges of ideas, including overcoming challenges facing female political leaders.  Topics might also include improving trade and investment relations, two-way tourism, public health, dealing with the effects of climate change and much more. 

Participants would include elected and appointed officials from governments, the judiciary and legislative bodies.  

Officials would be chosen from local bodies to the heads of national governments.

Building on the normalized internet communications of the pandemic era, the program would take full advantage of developing new technologies, tools and methods.  Even post-pandemic, the majority of meetings and activities would be virtual.

Over time, discussion groups would be expected to continue on a self-sustaining basis, without outside organization from the State Department or elsewhere.

A bi-annual Women Leaders Forum (in person and virtual) would bring together all of the participants to meet, exchange ideas and report on progress.  

Who Would Participate?

The program is designed to foster peer-to-peer relationships at all levels and in all branches of government.

Meetings at the highest levels would help highlight the program.  For example:

• a meeting between Vice President Harris and a female African President or Prime Minister;
• a meeting between the US Deputy Secretary of Defense and the various female Defense Ministers in Africa; and
• a meeting between a female US Supreme Court Justice and several female justices in Africa.

Meetings at other levels would also be sought, including:

• Members of the US Congress and national parliaments across Africa;
• US governors and their African counterparts;
• US state senators and delegates and their African counterparts; and
• Local US officials such as mayors and county managers and their African counterparts.

How Would the Program Work?

The State Department has run exchange programs for many years.  State – working with contract agencies who specialize in organizing in-person exchange programs – could be tasked with this. 

However, in this new world of meeting by video conference, new ways of constructing exchange programs will likely emerge.  While it is nicer to see people (and places) face-to-face, using the new technologies is cheaper and can reach a broader audience.

Online meetings offer several advantages:

• Budgetary – it is far cheaper to arrange an online program than to fly participants around the world; there are no travel, lodging or maintenance expenses;
• Staff numbers – State Department exchange programs normally require intensive staff work to escort foreign participants around the United States. This function would change.  Instead, they would require experts to organize the meetings, manage the technology, propose topics and much more; and
• Participant numbers – online programing allows organizers to reach a much broader audience or set up meetings as small as one on one.

U.S. participants would be identified through the State Department’s Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs (ECA) which has decades long experience in managing exchange programs.

In Africa, in the pilot phase, identification of participants would be done by US Embassies.  Over time, existing programs through the United Nations, the African Union and others might dovetail with this program.  At a later date, African participants might nominate peers.

Meetings/discussion groups would normally be kept small.  They would consist of several Americans from around the United States and several African women from across the continent.

Because the main goal of this program is to ensure that enduring relationships are formed, participants would need to make long- term commitments to the program before admission.

Initially, the State Department through its contract agencies would schedule the meetings and provide technology assistance, a moderator, an agenda and discussion topics.  However, because this is a permanent commitment, over time the groups themselves would be expected to handle these functions. 

To begin, US political leaders with experience in Africa might be candidates – including former Africa Peace Corps volunteers, Fulbright and other scholars plus others who have worked or lived on the continent.

On the African side, women with some experience in the United States and strong English language skills could be the first candidates for the pilot phase.  

The Bi-Annual Forum

Every other year a Women Political Leaders Forum would be held – alternating between the United States and Africa.  It would be both virtual and in-person.

When in Africa, it would rotate among countries.

Organizations that promote women’s political involvement would be key participants and constituents.

Agenda topics would be decided by the various discussion groups themselves.  They would highlight findings and best practices arrived at over the previous two years.

Conclusion

Women’s voices and viewpoints add substantial value to political stability and economic advancement both at home and abroad.  Building communities of American and African women with friendly and productive relationships would create a framework for mutual collaboration not only across national boundaries but also worldwide.

US-Africa Trade Relations: Time for a Reset

By Joan Wadelton, Guest Contributor

The African Continental Free Trade Agreement is a Game Changer

Key Points:

• The new African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) will bring economic development across the continent, as well as significant opportunities for American companies looking to do business there.

 

• The United States should negotiate a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Africa.

 

• As African countries integrate under the AfCFTA, their economies will prosper and they will be eligible to graduate from the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) program. Eventually, AGOA will be folded into the US-AfCFTA Free Trade Agreement.

 

• The US government should aggressively support American companies hoping to access African markets.

The advent of the AfCFTA completely transforms trade between Africa and rest of the world.  The United States must now forge an innovative and robust business relationship with Africa, with the goal of an eventual FTA.  The new AfCFTA offers immeasurable development opportunities for Africa -- an upsurge of American companies will mean increased capital flows, technology transfer, employment opportunities and access to the US market, and much more for Africans.  And, it will open markets for American companies across the continent that were previously too difficult to access.  In so doing, it will create US jobs, augment US overseas markets and boost revenue flowing back to the United States.

The African Continental Free Trade Agreement

The AfCFTA will develop Africa’s economies and offers tremendous opportunities to American companies  

 The AfCFTA is a remarkable achievement.  It launches on January 1, 2021, with selective tariff reductions.  It builds on harmonization and integration work done in Africa’s regional economic entities in recent decades.  Under the AfCFTA, countries across Africa will unite their economies into an enormous continent-wide trading block – estimated to comprise anywhere from $2-4 trillion in consumption and investment.  A Secretariat has been established in Ghana and work to harmonize regulations, reduce tariffs, eliminate non-tariff barriers, promote free movement of persons across the continent and more -- has begun.  The eventual goal is a continent-wide, single trading entity.

The first task of the AfCFTA will be focused inward – to merge the economies of the continent. Benefits to African countries will include broadening and integrating supply chains, increased innovation, enhanced competition and productivity and more.  Smaller countries will be given opportunities to catch up with their larger, richer and more economically diversified neighbors.  

The AfCFTA’s second task will be outward focused -- the eventual establishment of economic relations with the rest of the world as a single, continent-wide entity.  The economic potential of a unified Africa will be considerable, and its desire to negotiate trade agreements of intense interest to trading partners.

The US goal should be a Free Trade Agreement with Africa

The United States should make a US-AfCFTA Free Trade Agreement its goal (the European Union is already referencing a continent-to-continent FTA in the future).  The AfCFTA will bring significant opportunities for foreign companies looking to do business with Africa; American firms will be able to establish in one country and expand operations across national borders.

The AfCFTA will take time to be implemented, the United States should along the way:

• Refrain from negotiating bilateral agreements with individual African countries – they undermine the objective of a unified Africa and risk alienating the rest of the continent;
• Seek assurances from the Africans that the US will not be disadvantaged by the European Union’s (EU) Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). (Indeed, it is not clear whether the EPAs will benefit the EU and Africa given the greater potential of the AfCFTA; in any case few of them have been implemented);
• Ensure that American companies will be able to take full advantage of the provisions of the AfCFTA as they are implemented; and
• Offer to work with the new AfCFTA Secretariat at the technical level as tariffs are reduced and the Agreement itself is deepened to include additional trade-related disciplines.

The African Growth and Opportunity Act

AGOA addresses one half of our trade with Africa – exports from the continent to the United States

No discussion of US-Africa trade would be complete without a discussion of AGOA.  AGOA is a 20-year-old program created by Congress that has enjoyed broad bipartisan support and is in place until 2025.  AGOA grants duty free entry for 6500 products into the United States from Africa.  To qualify for AGOA benefits, countries must adhere to standards for worker rights, free and fair elections, anti-corruption efforts and more.  An annual internal US government review determines whether AGOA beneficiaries are abiding by their commitments to these standards, and if countries should be added to, or dropped from, the AGOA program. 

AGOA has long been referred to as “the cornerstone of US-Africa trade policy.”   However, AGOA addresses only one half of the trade equation – exports from Africa to the United States.  It was intended to allow African countries to develop their export sectors by making the entry of their goods into the United States duty free.  AGOA was never equipped to assist US businesses looking to invest in, or trade with, Africa.  That must be done through other means.

As the AfCFTA stands up, AGOA will wind down

Countries “graduate” out of AGOA (that is, they no longer are eligible to receive benefits) if they are determined to be “high income economies” as defined by the World Bank.  Seychelles achieved this status and was graduated from AGOA in 2017; Mauritius was recently determined to have met this benchmark and presumably will be graduated as well. 

As countries begin to prosper from measures undertaken through the AfCFTA, more of them will reach “high income status” and therefore be graduated out of the AGOA program.  Over time, the number of beneficiary countries should steadily decline.

When the US-AfCFTA FTA is signed, AGOA will cease to exist

FTAs are designed to reduce and/or eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers between (or among) countries.  By eliminating the duty on many African products coming into the US, the US has provided benefits normally associated with an FTA.  However, US goods are still subject to duties when entering African countries – and reducing or eliminating those would be a critical part of the FTA negotiations. As is the norm, an FTA with the AfCFTA would set all policy with respect to tariffs, resulting in AGOA being superseded and disappearing.

US Trade and Investment Going to Africa – the Other Half of the Equation

The US Government should take an aggressive, multi-faceted approach to supporting American companies looking to do business with Africa

The United States government has a broad array of programs designed to train Africans in business and to assist American companies entering African markets.  Programs through the Department of Commerce, USAID, the State Department and more, can be strengthened with additional resources and new programs can be created.  Below are a few of my suggestions – there are certainly many more.

• Emphasize that increasing the US business presence in Africa is a top priority. Name a Special Envoy for US Business in Africa.
• Reinstall Foreign Commercial Service Attaches (including virtually) in US Embassies across Africa.
• Fully staff and fund the existing USAID Trade Hubs in Africa; establish more as needed in areas that are geographically distant from the current hubs.
• Ensure that the intent of Prosper Africa to link up US government agencies helping American companies enter African markets is met, and that “deal teams” in US missions in Africa have the staff, funding and flexibility to perform their duties.
• Ensure that the US International Development and Finance Corporation (DFC) is fully funded and has maximum flexibility to provide the financing and support that American companies entering the African market need.
• Focus on the continent’s businesswomen – they form the backbone of Africa’s economies. Expand funding and resources for the African Women’s Entrepreneurship Program (AWEP) that brings the continent’s elite businesswomen to the United States for business training and matchmaking.
• Focus on Africa’s young people. Increase resources and funding for the Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI).  Ensure that each program curriculum contains a robust business training segment.  

Above all, consult closely and constantly with US business to see what they need and suggest. 

It is imperative that the absence of American companies in Africa be reversed.  The continent is replete with old friends and allies; a strong American business presence there would be welcome and benefit both sides.

Joan Wadelton negotiated trade and investment treaties at the US Department of State and the Office of the US Trade Representative.

 

It is the 21st Century; Organize State Department Administrative Functions to Reflect That

by Joan Wadelton, Guest Contributor

INTRODUCTION

The State Department has been poorly managed for decades.  Scandals, failures and irregularities across the spectrum of administrative functions (that is, the operational side of the agency – security, personnel, procurement, embassy construction, technology etc.) have harmed US foreign policy in multiple ways.  These shortcomings undermine the implementation of US foreign policy and waste the American taxpayer’s money.  Significant reforms, Congressional oversight and time will be needed to correct this.  The first step must be to rationalize the outdated and chaotic structure of administrative functions.

Today’s Structure:  An Overly Large and Incoherent Grouping of Functions Under One Under Secretary for Management

The State Department’s administrative responsibilities are neither structured to maximize efficiency and effectiveness, nor to promote fiscal responsibility.  The current organizational chart groups the institution’s numerous and diverse administrative functions into a single bureaucratic unit (“the M family”), under a sole senior official (the Under Secretary for Management). 

 

The make-up of the M family neither reflects the creation of new Bureaus in State in recent years, nor the increasing importance of security and information technology.  Functions of a more recent vintage – such as information technology – are located organizationally with longstanding and unrelated offices such as medical services.  Quite inappropriately, Consular Affairs – a non-management Bureau and once an independent entity – is included in the M family.

Grouping together such a broad collection of unrelated, high-budget and critical functions ensures that no single person in the role of Under Secretary for Management will have the expertise or time to administer everything competently.  Moreover, placement of decision-making in the hands of a single individual prevents healthy competition for resources among senior management staff, who should be obliged to defend their requests for funding and programs against the requests of other Bureaus and offices.

Most seriously, the grouping of so many functions under one decision-maker leaves the door open to cronyism and corruption; closing off competing voices can discourage legitimate dissent. 

SUGGESTIONS FOR THE MODERNIZATION OF STATE’S MANAGEMENT PORTFOLIO

 

1)  The First Step Must Be to Reinstate the Position of Deputy Secretary for Management

The State Department exists to formulate and implement the foreign policy of the United States; management has always been an afterthought.  But foreign policy cannot be implemented without a firm grounding in a healthy, smoothly running and efficient administrative support structure.

There must be a connection between the administrative and policy sides -- they must be fully integrated and administrative functions must be treated as critically important.  A Deputy Secretary for Management would ensure that this happens. 

HOW ABOUT A VIRTUAL PEACE CORPS?

By Guest Contributor Joan Wadelton

(WV editor - Patricia H Kushlis' comment:  It seems to me that many returned Peace Corps volunteers would be delighted to have the opportunity to teach and engage again with people in their countries of service over the Internet whether they be recently returned PCVs whose stays were abruptly cut short because of the COVID-19 pandemic or others who returned years ago.  Joan Wadelton's proposal below is creative, innovative and would be cost effective.  I would hope that the Peace Corps leadership would consider it seriously. )  

The Peace Corps is a wonderful organization that has sent 230,000 Americans as volunteers all over the world since 1961.  I was fortunate to spend three years in Niger as a health worker, in a village away from the capital many years ago.  My Peace Corps service prompted my life-long love of Africa.

The Peace Corps mission is:

• To help the people of interested countries in meeting their need for trained men and women.
• To help promote a better understanding of Americans on the part of the peoples served.
• To help promote a better understanding of other peoples on the part of Americans.

Although countries with a Peace Corps presence have changed over the years, and the number of volunteers has fluctuated, this mission is as valid today as it was in 1961.

Generally, volunteers have been young adults just beginning their careers and not yet encumbered by family responsibilities.  Indeed, a look at the official Peace Corps website shows a skew toward this demographic.  A demographic that brings enthusiasm and a willingness to live in new places, get the job done, learn about a new culture and actively engage local populations.

This traditional model – with volunteers living and working in other countries -- has been productive and successful.  It has been refined over decades and should be retained.

But is there another way to accomplish the capacity building that is at the heart of the Peace Corps mission?

Yes, and that is remotely, through the internet.  In this approach, volunteers would remain in the United States and conduct their training and teaching activities online.

The Peace Corps would conduct its overseas and virtual volunteer programs side-by-side. 

How would the virtual volunteer program work?

Virtual volunteers would be hired under the same terms and conditions as the overseas volunteers (taking into account the fact that they would not be working overseas).   That is, they would be expected to work on a regular basis -- but not be paid.  They would need access to the internet and the ability to manage Skype, Zoom or similar programs as teaching tools. 

What would virtual volunteers bring to the table?

A virtual Peace Corps would draw from a broader universe of potential volunteers than the existing in-country programs.  For example:

• People who are older and more advanced in their careers – with more knowledge and experience to share – who would not normally move to another country;
• People whose family commitments prevent them from traveling, but who have a passion for sharing their knowledge;
• People who cannot easily travel, but who have always wanted to teach and learn about other countries and cultures.

Would the virtual program be consistent with the core Peace Corps mission?

Yes, a virtual program would reinforce and amplify the key Peace Corps’ mission goals, noted above.  It would also build collaborative working relationships, drawing on wide ranging expertise.

• Greater numbers of more experienced volunteers would add to the capacity building potential of the Peace Corps.
• A virtual program would widen the pool of Americans who would be interacting with people in other countries, thereby promoting greater understanding of the United States and its values abroad.
• And, exposing more Americans to diverse cultures, situations and peoples would strengthen US understanding of the world and enhance our interactions with it.

How would the virtual program be managed?

The virtual programs would be managed alongside existing in-country programs.  Just as with the in-country programs, Peace Corps offices overseas would work with host country officials to identify programmatic and training needs.  Peace Corps recruiters in Washington – dedicated specifically to the virtual program – would identify appropriate candidates to address those needs. 

What would be the administrative and logistical issues?

To implement a virtual Peace Corps program, Congress would need to appropriate additional funding and staff.  However, as a virtual program would not require volunteer travel and housing expenses, a large amount of new money might not be necessary.

The host countries would be responsible for providing adequate internet access and classroom facilities to support the virtual volunteers’ teaching needs.  They would not be able to charge for any training provided by the US government and would have to absorb all the associated costs.  Host countries would also be responsible for identifying gaps in local capacity that virtual volunteers could fill.

What would the host country get out of the virtual program? 

The universe of volunteers available on a virtual basis is likely to be larger and more experienced than the number of Americans willing to relocate to another country.  Host countries would therefore be able to provide a broader array of training programs to their citizens.  It would also be an opportunity for host countries to forge closer, long-term ties with a wide range of US business, educationa,l civil society and technological entities.

Conclusion

The Peace Corps should transform into a two-track organization.  Peace Corps missions overseas would administer both the in-country and virtual programs.  Peace Corps headquarters in Washington would recruit for, and support, both programs.  In this way, a venerable institution could continue on its successful and traditional path, while simultaneously moving into the 21^st century.

How to Make US Foreign Assistance More Effective: Start by Merging the US Agency for International Development and the Millennium Challenge Corporation

by Joan Wadelton, Guest Contributor

Background

Secretary of State Tillerson is reportedly contemplating merging the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the Department of State.  This idea dates back to President Carter.  However, such a merger would neither be the most efficient nor the most effective way to address shortcomings in our foreign assistance programs.

In fact, the US government's foreign assistance efforts are scattershot and often duplicative.  This does not mean, however, that USAID should be merged into the State Department with its far different mission and culture.  Quite the opposite.  The State Department is foremost charged with representing US foreign policies abroad at official levels.  USAID, in contrast, is tasked with administering US government funded foreign assistance programs in developing countries.  They require two very different skills sets and modes of operation.   

Yet similar missions and areas of operation exist between the US government's two main assistance agencies -- USAID and the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC).  Rather than consolidating USAID and State, it would make more sense to consolidate USAID and the MCC.  This would reduce the current overlap of programs and staff, cut costs and promote a better use of scarce resources.

Here are the primary issues which the Administration should examine in making its decision as well as recommendations for a way forward.

Issues to Be Considered

1)  What should US foreign assistance accomplish – not just in this Administration, but for the next several generations?  Keeping in mind that the goal of all assistance programs should be to work their way out of existence – that is, countries must eventually be successful enough to move beyond foreign aid.  

There are two parallel streams in US foreign assistance.  First, humanitarian,  such as famine relief, containment and eradication of disease and alleviation of the suffering of refugees and other displaced persons.  Second, development implemented through training programs in areas such as agriculture, business  and democratic institution building. 

What are the best means to accomplish these twin goals in a rapidly changing world?  For example, what assistance tools should we employ to assert ourselves in the face of  China's rapidly increasing dominance in Africa or instability in the Middle East?  How do we sharpen our focus and programs to meet today's challenges?

2)  To whom should we provide assistance?

Our current assistance model is state-to-state.  But in a world of non-state actors, civil wars and other political fragmentation, should we have a more flexible model that allows us to assist factions or populations – even if the country's central government does not agree?

And what of countries that are underdeveloped but inherently wealthy (for example, possessing untapped mineral resources)?  Or in need of assistance but so corrupt that whatever we provide is unlikely to reach the target population?

Finally, how do we navigate shifting political landscapes in countries to which we are providing assistance?  It takes years to set up an effective assistance program, so canceling and reinstating programs as host governments change can be counterproductive. 

3)  Are USAID's current operating methods appropriate, effective and up-to-date?

Is the current model – a small permanent staff supervising many private contractors – cost effective?  Should the provision of US assistance revert to its pre-Vietnam method of operation where permanent staff provided expertise in the field?  Or does the complexity and volume of issues in today's world mandate the use of many experienced and expert contractors? 

And do new technologies offer opportunities for cost savings by providing training through the Internet, rather than fielding large staffs on the ground? 

4)  Many US government agencies have training and assistance programs abroad – from the FAA to DoD to Commerce to the Patent and Trademark Office – the list is long.  Millions of program dollars go into the same countries and regions -- sometimes into the same sectors – often in an uncoordinated fashion. 

An initial and critical component of overhauling US foreign assistance must be an overview of the existing universe of programs.  For a truly effective foreign assistance policy, each agency must fit rationally within this framework.

Most important for this discussion are the responsibilities of USAID and the MCC.  USAID is far larger than the MCC and the two agencies have  somewhat different approaches to the provision of assistance.  However, their overall missions, functions and geographic presence are quite similar.

5)  Two agencies were folded into State in the last two decades – the tiny Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA) and the much larger US Information Agency (USIA). Those experiences are useful models for the consolidation of any agencies.  With hindsight, it can be determined how well each merger went, and what lessons should be learned from them.

ACDA was a very small agency whose functions were already represented at State.  The merger was accomplished by blending ACDA staff into State's existing Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, and then dividing that into four component bureaus.

The mission of USIA, by contrast, was not represented at State.  It was considerably larger than ACDA, and had a corporate culture distinct from State's.  The bulk of USIA was simply put into newly created, separate divisions of State, with a small number of staff assigned to State's regional offices.  The process was painful and skepticism remains as to its ultimate success.

While State is considerably larger than USAID, the incorporation of USAID would still involve placing a sizable number of people with a very different corporate culture, mission and operating methods than the State Department.    

6)  Determine how you will partner with Congress to get this done.

A significant amount of the foreign aid budget comes in the form of earmarks and/or preferences in legislative report language.  Congressional committees and individual members often have strong interests in particular programs and will ensure that they are funded.

In addition, some Congressional staffers (and members) have themselves worked in the assistance arena as political appointees, the Peace Corps or with private charitable organizations.  They will have strong views about how any restructuring should proceed.

Recommendations

1)  Survey US government foreign assistance programs across all agencies, in all countries and all sectors.  Compare and analyze them and produce a listing of programs which should continue, be eliminated or combined with others.  Identify redundancies and determine how to eliminate them.  Sort through each recipient country and region to see what has worked, what has not and find out why.  Take note of lessons learned and apply them to future programs.

2)  Merge USAID and the MCC into a single, independent assistance agency – not into the State Department.  Their functions, areas of operation, budgets and personnel could be combined where overlap exists, allowing for eventual cost savings.  Best practices from both would be adopted agency-wide.  Look at folding other agencies in as well – the Trade and Development Agency with its focus on finding opportunities for US companies in development projects abroad might also be a candidate.

3)  Give this consolidated entity a coordinating role over US government assistance across all agencies.  Charge it with formulating cutting-edge programs, implementing best practices and guarding against waste and duplication.

Final Thoughts

Assistance is a low cost and effective component of our foreign policy.  Its contours will be increasingly important in an emerging foreign policy dynamic in which the United States is being challenged for world leadership.

Rationalizing the many assistance programs across our government would promote greater coherence and coordination.  This would allow for budget and staff cuts and – eventually – greater effectiveness. 

FOR SECRETARY TILLERSON – THOUGHTS ON REFORMING AND REBUILDING THE STATE DEPARTMENT

By Joan Wadelton, Guest Contributor

Congratulations on your new job!  As the Secretary of State, you will be responsible for shaping and implementing our nation's foreign policy.  The success of that policy will depend on many factors – including the State Department's ability to implement it.  Importantly, any policy initiative must have a firm grounding in the administrative and logistical side of State, broadly speaking – security, finance, personnel, procurement, embassy construction and information technology.

Nevertheless, numerous Secretaries of State have neglected the perceived dreariness of management for the glamor of making foreign policy.  This has left the agency badly deteriorated, performing poorly and periodically wracked by scandal.  Reforming and rebuilding State's administrative functions must be a priority for you.  Following are three areas that should be of particular focus.

First  – you need to reconfigure and rationalize the organization chart governing State's administrative and logistical functions.  Currently, billions of dollars worth of highly diverse duties are consolidated under one person – an overload of power, money and responsibility in a single pair of hands.  This portfolio should be broken up and its various functions grouped thematically into four new subdivisions (one each for security, administration, finance and human capital).  These subdivisions should be headed by a senior official with expertise in the relevant area and the ability to make that area perform.

Second – you must have an aggressive Inspector General, brought in from the outside.  Every agency has an Inspector General whose job it is to keep the agency honest and well-managed; they report to the agency head, Congress and the American people through various investigations and recommendations.   Unfortunately, State's Office of Inspector General has been clouded by scandal for years – with career staff and outside whistleblower organizations alleging that it has covered up incompetence and wrongdoing.  These ongoing failures have allowed waste, fraud, abuse and mismanagement to flourish.

Take what your Inspector General uncovers and recommends seriously – meet with him/her frequently.  Insist that you are not afraid to hear bad news.  Do not fall into the trap of allowing your Inspector General to tell you that everything is fine – it can't be in such a large organization.  Mandate that irregularities be corrected when they are found; left untreated they will metastasize – sometimes very publicly.

Respect and listen to whistle blowers who report mismanagement and corruption.  Like the Office of Inspector General, they are a bulwark against further problems and scandal.  Nothing can be hidden in an Internet world, and whistleblowers can take their complaints to the American people with the click of a mouse or the snap of a cellphone camera.

Third – you need to clean up State's human resources division, which has a long history of cronyism, incompetence, and abuse.  Senior career officials, for example, often stay in place too long – many on contract after retirement – blocking the normal promotion and upflow of mid-level and junior staff.  The departure of  senior officials is traditional and there are many experienced people ready and able to assume their duties, as well as provide a fresh look at US foreign policy.

In addition, desirable jobs and significant monetary incentives are given to insiders by insiders – stifling the initiative and morale of  less-favored employees.  Also, internal dispute mechanisms are abused as management draws out legal proceedings to fatigue and bankrupt any employee filing a complaint or blowing the whistle.

Embarrassingly, State's diversity statistics rank at the bottom of government agencies.  Nevertheless, the Department has done nothing to improve its record – for years trying to hide the problem by refusing to publish those same statistics – despite legal requirements to do so.

An overhaul of the personnel system cannot be done from within – experts must be brought in from the outside.  The Office of Personnel Management and the Government Accountability Office have staff with the appropriate skills; you might also recruit personnel professionals from the military or private industry.  These outside experts should review the current system for structural flaws, abuse and irregularities.  Thereafter, they will need to develop new and revised regulations and procedures incorporating best practices from elsewhere in the government and the private sector.  A report and recommendations to you and Congress would complete their work.

At the same time, State's longstanding failure to increase diversity must be corrected.  To do this, you will need to replace existing staff with professionals from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, a prominent law firm that deals with such matters or other.

All of these reforms will necessitate cooperation with Congress and may require legislation.  You should welcome that, as many on the Hill are familiar with these matters and can help fix them.

These reforms – and others needed to make your tenure at State successful -- will not be easy and will not garner you public praise.  Nevertheless, you have a remarkable opportunity to set the agency for which you are responsible on a better and more productive path.

Note:  This is the latest in Whirled View's Troubled State of State Series which began January 23, 2008.    

 

 

 

For Washington – Avoiding the Seventh Labor of Hercules

By Joan Wadelton, Guest Contributor

When King Augeas asked Hercules to clean out his stables, Hercules – seeing that the task was impossible by normal means – rerouted two rivers to wash out the years of filth.  A tale those of us in Washington should heed, lest the American people – pushed beyond their limits – divert the Potomac and sweep all of us away.

WASHINGTON TODAY

Americans across party lines are deeply dissatisfied with Washington.  And well they might be, as government incompetence and corruption have become hallmarks of the daily news cycle. 

Congressional oversight of the Executive Branch is partisan and ineffective, with an Administration's party refusing to address problems within its agencies and the opposition party doing little else.  Neither party is offering solutions.

The Executive Branch – which conducts the taxpayers' business and spends the taxpayers' money – appears incapable of policing its own operations.  Endless public scandals demonstrate that agency Inspectors General have failed across the  government.

And finally, whistleblowers – who provide a valuable service to the American people – routinely suffer retaliation.  Whistleblower protection laws are inadequately enforced, employee protection entities (such as the Office of Special Counsel and the Merit Systems Protection Board) routinely side with management and Congress is indifferent.        

A FEW PROPOSED REMEDIES

First – To Fix Agency Problems, Congress Must Be Aware of  Them      

Congress is frequently unaware of problems in the very Executive Branch agencies it is tasked with overseeing, even when they are well known inside the affected agency.

Reports of government mismanagement and corruption are frequent but scattershot.  They can appear in press outlets or through watchdog groups.  When whistleblowers do contact Congress, they may speak to offices without jurisdiction over the matter.  This can mean that – while significant issues are being reported on many fronts – a lack of coordination obscures their severity.   

Therefore, Congress should establish a coordinating mechanism to collect, investigate and resolve whistleblower complaints, press and GAO reports and other accounts of mismanagement and corruption in the Executive Branch.  This mechanism would comprise bipartisan, bicameral staff committees organized by subject matter.  For example, majority and minority staffers of the House Foreign Affairs and Senate Foreign Relations Committees would jointly compare and collate accounts of  problems in foreign affairs agencies.  Thereafter, they would investigate and recommend solutions for those that had reached critical mass.     

Second –  Correct Failings in the System of Agency Inspectors General

The Inspector General Act of 1978 (as amended) creates a three-pronged reporting requirement for agency Inspectors General – to their agency heads, to Congress and to the public.  As press and other reports have documented in recent years,  Inspectors General – entrusted by the American taxpayers to uncover and combat waste, fraud and mismanagement – have frequently failed to do so.  Whether because of a refusal by agencies to implement findings and recommendations of Inspectors General, or through active wrongdoing by Inspectors General and their staffs, the system is not working.

Efforts by Inspectors General to cover-up internal agency problems probably have several roots, among them: 

Third Greek Loan Progamme Takes Its Toll

By Lois Woestman, Guest Contributor

 Dr. Lois Woestman, both a Greek and US citizen, currently works as EU-Liaison Officer at a German university. She previously worked as Lecturer and as EU-Liaison Officer for two universities in Greece, as well as a research/policy advice consultant (including for UNWOMEN, Europe-based WIDE+ Network, and global Association for Women in Development – AWID). 

It is August 15^th, 2015. The third Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) in as many years was approved yesterday by the Greek parliament and the Eurogroup – the unelected European finance ministers organization to which most European political leaders have abdicated their power. In antithesis to the past six months, hardly anyone I have met in the last weeks in Athens or on the island Kythera is talking about it. What is going on? Though I am no psychologist, what I believe to have observed over the past three weeks is a generalized sense of burn-out induced depression.

 Exhaustion

People are simply exhausted. The constant hyper-tension since re-negotiations of the last MOU began in February under the Syriza government - following on five years of ever worsening economic depression - have taken their toll. My friends appear to have been put through old washing machine wringers. Their vivacity zapped, most people walk around like zombies, with intermittent outbursts of irritation. 

 Withdrawal

 People are also emotionally withdrawn. Unlike past reunions, which would go on for hours – all night - my friends manage about two hours, before they say something like: “Lois, I am really happy to see you. But, sorry. I need to lie down. I just don't have any more energy to talk.” Some had to cancel jointly made vacation plans, explaining that the most they could manage emotionally was to get to their nuclear families, where they could collapse. No energy for vacation? Greeks?  My friends?

 Most people I have spoken with have little if any money for vacation, anyway. Mid-August is traditionally the busiest time of year for tourism in Greece. Athens empties out. Greeks I have spoken to who have the wherewithal for a holiday have had to pare it down to just a few days – a week at most. They can afford to eat out once a day, otherwise managing coffee etc. in their rooms.

Tourist business owners on Kythera explained that, in addition to very limited Greek tourism, foreign tourism has dropped radically. It was a fairly normal season in May and June. But as soon as the capital controls hit, foreign tourists practically ceased coming. One of the few remaining sources of income for Greeks has thus been drastically reduced this year.

In Athens, where most of its residents have remained, people travel to beaches reachable by public transport: “In this way, we can take a break by the sea, and pretend we have gone on vacation.”

 Humiliation and hopelessness

 After the rough treatment of PM Alexis Tsipras in the post-oxi negotiations with creditors, people I have spoken with feel humiliated. Moreover, they are convinced that it will only get worse, as there are no mechanisms in place for economic recovery anywhere down the line in their lifetimes. Most serious reviewers of the newest MOU agree. Is it any wonder, then, that people are disaffected, experiencing the finalization of the third memorandum as anti-climactic? An older gentleman told me: “Now that Tsipras had to cave in to more austerity and micro-management of our economy - who are they to tell us about the size of our bread, and force people to work on Sundays when even they do not? - to keep us in the Euro, what is the point of following debates any more? All hope and any chance of retaining a bit of personal and national pride is lost.”

 Resourcelessness

This assessment of some of the burn out, aspects of the depression I see in Greece today are backed up by statistics, which show that depression as well as suicides rates have been on the rise in Greece since the Great Economic Depression began here. Suicide rates rose by 35% between 2010 and 2012; to my knowledge, no more recent figures have been released. Depression rates have risen from around 3% to 8% since the crisis began. Individuals are not accustomed to diagnosing or dealing with such phenomena, either in themselves nor in loved ones.

As one interviewee put it, “In the past, Greeks tended to yell, not let themselves go to hell.” Now, many people have passed the stage where they can yell. And even when they do – as in the overwhelming OXI vote to more austerity – it appears to have no positive effect on the outcome. It is indeed difficult to see what one could use as an argument to raise morale.

Nor is the medical system equipped to help. Even before the crisis, pyschotherapy was something only the well enough to do could afford, because it has not been covered by the health care system.

One commentator on the current economic moment in Greece used the phrase: “Well, to use a technical term, all hell is going to break loose.”A psychologist I spoke with used essentially the same phrase to talk about the portending psychological effects of it on others - and on himself.

See also on WhirledView: Greece, Germany and the EURO, by Patricia Kushlis, July 17, 2015.

 

http://whirledview.typepad.com/whirledview/2015/07/greece-germany-the-euro-even-on-sunday.html

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