By PLS
She was ambitious. She was intelligent. She was articulate. She was beautiful. She was brave. She is dead.
The news was shocking—and somewhat expected.
Of all the aspirants to power in Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto was the most implacable in her opposition to regressive Islam. As a highly educated and sublimely confident female politician, she posed a danger to the militant Islam project in Pakistan in a way the Islamist-pandering, on-again-off-again secularist Musharraf never did. Nor did her arch-rival Nawaz Sharif, a follower of the very conservative, missionary-oriented Tabligi Jamat. Nawaz accepted exile in Wahabi Saudi Arabia, after all, while Benazir Bhutto in exile was at home in London and, on the Arabian peninsula, in the far more tolerant Emirates.
One thing no one has mentioned (to my imperfect knowledge anyway) in the course of sketching Benazir’s route to death in Rawalpindi yesterday, is that she encouraged a resurgence of the arts in Pakistan during her second prime ministership. A feminist poet who had to seek refuge in India during the puritanical military dictatorship of Zia-ul-Haq not only returned to Pakistan but was given a position in the government’s cultural hierarchy. Female artistes were able to present classical dance programs in public, not only Kathak, which flourished in Muslim courts, but Bharat Natayam, which is a South Indian dance form. Painting thrived, too, with modern miniatures, some very witty and contemporary, pouring out of the art schools of Lahore. Non-religious classical music could also be enjoyed in public. People breathed freely. Well, some did. Others gnashed their teeth and insisted that female leadership was inconsistent with Islam.
Benazir was so articulate that one was tempted, at times, to think of her as glib, as if the word democracy might be falling a bit too trippingly from her tongue these days. But during her last term in power, there was indeed an opening up of life in Pakistan, the sort that’s consistent with the individual freedom that underlies the vital functioning of democratic institutions. Indians recall that she sought rapprochement with Pakistan’s huge neighbor, too. No doubt she was mightily constrained by the Pakistani army (as was Nawaz Sharif, when he was in power). And there were those corruption charges! Of course, even the Pakistani army is not exactly pure when it comes to extra-curricular financial opportunities, but the charge always resonates, as indeed it should.
I was more than a little amused during those long months when the Bush administration pushed for the never credible shotgun marriage that a Bhutto-Musharraf government would have been. Suddenly Benazir Bhutto had become the last best hope for democracy in Pakistan. What a turnabout! Ten years ago, when I was in Karachi and Benazir was in power, my diplomatic colleagues denigrated her as a hysterical ineffectual female and hailed Nawaz Sharif as a reality-based businessman America could work with. When I suggested that my dear male colleagues might be confusing style with substance, they pooh poohed the very possibility of sexism tainting their reports. Ha!
If the personally secular Musharraf has been a bit two-faced about his relationship with radical Islam, in the border areas and elsewhere, Nawaz Sharif is personally and openly of a conservative stripe as a Muslim. I found myself speculating (uncomfortably) as to whether, in the drive toward victory in the upcoming parliamentary elections, Nawaz might have made an unholy alliance with potential Islamist assassins. I am, now, convinced that such was not the case. I’ve watched the clip showing his reaction to the assassination at least five times. The anguish in his face is too total and too nuanced to be phoney. The man is shocked and distraught. The facial expression of “President” Musharraf, on the other hand, is stony and unreadable. Anything is possible, as Benazir herself suggested, openly. However, Musharraf's declaration of three days national mourning seems fairly striking. That’s high honor paid to an upstart woman. It’s not likely to increase his popularity with those who have tried to kill him in the past.
So what will happen with those elections? Was Benazir’s assassination a rather nasty way to get them called off? Was her death instrumental—or the whole point of the matter? I don’t know.
Finally, if Benazir had lived and become PM again, would she have been more broadly successful than previously? Only if critical elements of the army had chosen to support her and her goals, for a change. Would they have? That, too, I do not know. Nothing in Pakistan is more opaque than the collective thoughts of the all powerful army which poor George W. Bush naively thought he understood and could use for his own purposes. Billions and billions of dollars later, he knows better, I hope.
Recent Comments